50 years of Italy at the United Nations
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Antonio Segni, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Statement in 15th GA session, 876th meeting
September 28, 1960
I wish first of all to extend to you, Mr. President, on
behalf of the Italian Government and myself, our heartiest
congratulations on your election as President of this Assembly. My
congratulating you on your election to the highest office in the
United Nations is the more gratifying form inasmuch as your
outstanding talents as a diplomat are well known and highly
appreciated in my country. Just as universally known and highly
regarded are the skill and ability with which you have always handled
the tasks entrusted to you by the United Nations. It is my desire to
add my most fervent wish for complete success in your endeavor, which
is always laden with great responsibility and which this year appears
particularly delicate.
30. The Italian Government
recognizes the authority of this highest international body and to
this authority, at once political and moral, it has always bowed, in
the belief that the relationships among States should also function in
accordance with the democratic principles of equality and liberty, and
in compliance with the law governing international relations.
31. The removal of all forms of
violence from the relationships among peoples, and their peaceful
evolution -in adherence to the continual change in international needs
stemming from the ceaseless advancement of mankind-have been enhanced,
this past year, through the peaceful achievement of independence by
many new States which, in full agreement with the countries to which
they were bound by anachronistic ties, were able to equip themselves
with modern institutions more adequate to cope with present
necessities.
32. The Italian Government has
been happy to give prompt recognition to all new States emerging from
concrete compliance with the principles of equality and liberty. It
has likewise been happy to express its ready agreement to the
admission of all these countries to our Organization. I wish to
express to them at this point and on this occasion, in the name of the
Italian Government and people, the warmest felicitations on the
attainment of their independence, our most fervent wishes for their
future, and a most cordial and friendly welcome to the United Nations.
At the same-time, let me voice our highest appreciation for the
observance
of international law shown by them,
together with the States with which they freely negotiated their
independence.
33. All of us must be deeply
grateful for these major felicitous occurrences in the international
arena, as they have shown mankind the immense benefits that call be
derived from mutual comprehension and from the substitution of the
democratic method of respect for the popular will for the method of
force or, worse still, violence.
34. May I be allowed to recall
that Italy has already given concrete proof of its disinterested and
confident good will towards the peoples on their way to emancipation,
and of its ready desire to aid them even by participating in the
burdens involved, by enabling Somalia to achieve its independence five
months in advance of the date scheduled by this Organization.
35. The ten years of Italian
trusteeship administration of Somalia, which passed in an atmosphere
of great friendship and co-operation, came to an end on 1 July 1960,
in conformity with a proposal advanced by the Italian Government to
that effect, rather than on 2 December 1960, the time-limit which had
been set for the trusteeship mandate at the time it was given to my
country. The advancement of the time-limit is a proof of the
understanding and concern of Italy towards the peoples desirous of
setting themselves up as free and independent States.
36. Together with a particular
greeting, I wish to extend my special praise to Somalia-to its people
and its political figures-for having co-operated with great
intelligence anti profound wisdom in the achievement of the targets of
the trusteeship administration to the full satisfaction of all parties
concerned.
37. Unfortunately, not all
peoples yearning for independence and for the determination of their
own destiny have understood to the same extent the superiority of the
democratic method. This is why we still witness today, to our grief
and consternation, acute strife among opposing contestants who fight
for the right to impose by violence their own particular concept of
international relationships rather than comply with the will of the
majority, as freely determined on the basis of the principles of the
equality of all citizens, and then resort to the system of
international negotiations.
38. I intend to dwell, in
particular, on the Congo situation, which has recently concerned all
of us deeply and to which both the Security Council and this very
Assembly have had to devote a great deal of their activity, the latter
having been convened in special session on the eve of the present
regular session.
39. The clouds which gathered
over that country early in July have not yet cleared. Italy’s
participation in the painful events in the Congo has been, and still
is, very active and is prompted by a sincere, solicitous and friendly
sympathy for the fate of this young nation, to which I express my most
heartfelt wish that it will be able soon to enjoy again the benefits
of a productive and fruitful peace.
40. To this end, the
Secretary-General, in conformity with the decisions taken by the
appropriate organs of the United Nations and in difficult and complex
circumstances, has already fulfilled his task effectively, and
fruitfully, and in this connection I feel duty bound to reaffirm here
my Government’s highest and most cordial appreciation.
41. In the introduction to his
annual report [A/4390/Add.1], the Secretary-General portrays a
picture, with which we thoroughly agree, of the tasks that the United
Nations has been called upon to perform in the Congo.
He outlines the history of a great
initiative of international scope, to the success of which we all must
contribute if we really mean to serve the cause of peace and
co-operation.
42. Actually, the assistance
that our Organization decided to give to the Congo has as its sole
purpose to bring about peace and co-operation. It is, therefore,
difficult to understand how it may have been possible for someone to
attribute different aims to it.
43. The United States has
already decided to continue the action which it has undertaken with
absolute impartiality and complete disinterestedness for the sole
purpose of restoring law and order, bringing back stability where
uncertainty seems to prevail, and warding off the dangers of war which
seemed to hover over this tormented nation. These are, substantially,
the purposes unequivocally stressed in the resolution adopted at the
special session of the General Assembly on 20 September 1960 [1474
(ES-IV)] to which the Italian Government reaffirms its full support.
44. I have chosen to emphasize
the Secretary-General’s prompt, active imaginative activity in this
connexion. But above all, I wish to pay tribute to the awareness and
to the farsighted concern shown by him on this occasion and in similar
circumstances for the destiny of our Organization. The
Secretary-General was not selected as the representative of the
western democracies, the communist world, or the neutral countries.
He was selected, in the spirit of the Charter, for the personal
qualities which he has shown that he possesses in a high degree and
which reflect complete honesty and impartiality of intention as well
as dedication to the cause of the United Nations. I believe that the
actual set-up and the machinery of the Secretariat should not be
altered, because they have proven to be efficient.
45. Being the host country to
the United Nations is not a privilege, but rather a responsibility.
The United States has shown itself fully aware of and deserving the
responsibility of being the host country to the United Nations. The
most appropriate reply that can be given to the criticisms that have
been voiced in this hall is that the United States has the
shortcomings of its own virtues inasmuch as the inconveniences
experienced by certain representatives are those inherent in that very
freedom prevailing in our host country. And none of us is willing to
forego the advantages of freedom in order to eliminate these
inconveniences. In sum, Italy can find no reason whatsoever to modify
a situation that meets the requirements of the moment.
46. In the first months of this
year there was much discussion about “détente”, peaceful coexistence
and disarmament. Actually, it is true that the very concept of
peaceful coexistence seemed from the beginning to imply a mental
reservation in certain minds, a reservation about complete
international co-operation. This reservation notwithstanding,
substantial efforts were made in order to bring about an effective
“détente”. Unfortunately, the hopes that all peace-loving peoples had
rested on the new trend in the relations among States were dashed by
the complete collapse of the Summit Conference. This collapse had its
negative repercussions also in the field of disarmament. At the end
of the fourteenth session of the General Assembly, it seemed warranted
to entertain well-founded hopes that the disarmament problem might
finally be heading, after so many years of fruitless attempts, towards
the solution that all people are earnestly wishing for and looking
forward to. Besides the improvement of the general political
atmosphere and the unanimous vote of this Assembly on resolution 1378
(XIV), there was a positive factor in the agreement for the
institution of a special committee, the Ten-Nation Committee on
Disarmament entrusted with the task of resuming, after a two-year
interruption, the negotiations on disarmament. With the creation of
this Committee, in which Italy was called upon to participate, the
Western side accepted the Soviet desire for parity, still keeping the
negotiations within a relatively restricted organ which provided all
the necessary guarantees for such technical as well as political
negotiations.
47. A very severe judgment was
pronounced by Chairman Krushchev on the Conference of the Ten-Nation
Committee, particularly on the intentions of the Western Powers
participating in it. I cannot accept the charges the charges that he
has levelled at the Western countries and their alleged sabotage
schemes. Further, if what has been accomplished in Geneva is observed
closely and objectively, a completely negative appraisal does not
appear warranted. Unfortunately, as is well known, no agreements were
reached there. Nevertheless I believe that useful work was done in
the way of investigation and comparison of the theses presented, and
that certain efforts were made towards reciprocal understanding and
clarification, praiseworthy in themselves.
48. Mr. Krushchev, on the other
hand, in his speech of 23 September, implicitly admitted that the work
in Geneva was not totally fruitless. In fact, he stated that:
“… the new Soviet proposal
… has been drawn up with due regard for all the useful points which
were made during the past year in the course of the discussion of this
question by political and public circles of various countries of the
world.” [869th meeting, para. 242.]
He did not mention the Conference at
Geneva. However, since the disarmament negotiations have been
interrupted for two years, he could not but refer also to the work of
the Ten-Nation Committee, notwithstanding his negative remarks on it.
On the other hand, in the same speech, he stated:
“An identical point of view
has materialized in our proposals as well as in those making up the
NATO military alignment regarding the necessity to follow up agreement
on disarmament with the creation of armed forces of all countries
under international control to be used by the United Nations as
decided by the Security Council.” [Ibid., para. 279.]
49. One might wonder why the
Conference, so suddenly interrupted, has not yet led to any precise
agreements of a general character. It is impossible to go into detail
in this brief account and, on the other hand, I would like to avoid
fruitless polemic overtones. I believe, however, that some positive
results could actually have been achieved at Geneva if certain
recurrent propaganda attitudes had been avoided on the Soviet side and
if there had prevailed a unanimous awareness of the difficulties
inherent in disarmament and of the need for its gradual
implementation.
50. There is no doubt that a
general and complete disarmament under effective international
supervision was, and still is, the target towards which the
Governments represented in this assembly have pledged themselves to
proceed with utmost earnestness and urgency. On my part, I want to
state only that the Italian Government is firmly convinced that we
should proceed in that direction.
51. But it is my opinion that we should approach the
problem with full awareness of its immense difficulties and that we
should not confine ourselves to a program of “all or nothing. We
should also be ready to accept with gratification partial results, on
the following two conditions: first, that they meet the basic
requirements of disarmament which have been so often stated and on
which everyone seems to concur, at least theoretically, in particular
that, through the implementation of such partial measures, the mutual
security of each and all be enhanced, and not diminished; and,
secondly, such results should constitute not final goals, but
intermediate targets intended to ensure the quickest advancement
towards the ultimate
aim. Furthermore, in our evaluation of the over-all
program, we must take into account the fact that there is a wide gap
in conventional forces between
East and West and that nuclear disarmament, while
auspicious in itself, involves the concurrent establishment of a
balance in conventional forces.
52. In fact, any person who is
honest and of good will cannot help but recognize that even one
initial step, one early agreement on the road to general and complete
disarmament, would represent an invaluable success not only in itself
but also for its favorable moral and psychological effects. It would
also constitute a precious initial factor in decreasing the mistrust
between East and West and in facilitating the solution of the
political problems which are at the root of the armaments race. That
must encourage us to resume our work with faith, goodwill and
perseverance.
53. Several times at the Geneva
Conference Italy made the suggestion that efforts at negotiations be
concentrated, at an early stage, on that part of the plans and on
those problems in which some nearing of positions or greater mutual
understanding was beginning to be seen, in order to achieve at least
some immediate practical results. Naturally, I am fully aware that
partial solutions, even if looked upon as initial measures to be
further broadened, are always difficult and that all problems are
inevitably interwoven. Yet, I believe that it pays to experiment with
that approach, keeping in our minds a clear vision of the lofty goal
we are striving for. It seems to me that Marshal Tito included some
remarks to that effect in his recent statement [868th
meeting].
54. At this time, a great
responsibility rests with the Assembly-giving new impetus to the
negotiations on disarmament. The Assembly must assist the major
responsible parties with its advice and recommendations in their
dealings, and it must encourage them to resurge this all-important
conversation. I do not doubt that the will of the people, which is
expressed through the enlightened advice of your delegations, will
point out clearly the wisest, the most constructive and the most
practicable course in order that this fundamental work should be
resumed immediately and completed successfully.
55. The support and guidance of
the Assembly are necessary now and in the future. I believe that in
the future it will be convenient to bring the United Nations into even
closer contact with the negotiations in order that the Organization,
particularly the Assembly, may gradually be in a better position to
follow closely the development of the dealings which must, owing to
their technical aspects, remain entrusted to a rather restricted body.
For instance, the negotiating organ might send to the United Nations
Disarmament Commission periodic reports at intervals established in
advance by the Assembly. At the United Nations all States must be in a
position to how and to evaluate, even better than in the past, the
responsibilities, both negative and positive, resting with each
negotiator in the performance of his tasks. We favor such supervision
and look forward to this judgment with serenity.
56. Recently the Assembly heard a statement by the
President of the United States [868th meeting] which calls
for meditation on the part of all of us. It was a speech full of
common sense and imbued with a conciliatory spirit which opened the
door to concrete measures of disarmament. But as Mr. Diefenbaker,
Prime Minister of Canada, correctly said [871st meeting]
Mr. Khrushchev has tried to close that door, thus frustrating our
hopes. Mr. Diefenbaker also introduced a series of proposals on
disarmament worthy of the highest consideration and the closest
examination. What is needed is the earnest desire to arrive at an
understanding. For our part, we are ready to make our contribution in
a constructive spirit. We should be equally willing to consider the
modalities for future negotiations which may allow a more fruitful
work to develop.
57. The spirit which has so far led Italy to pursue
these negotiations with the utmost sincerity has often been solemnly
reaffirmed. It is the spirit which corresponds to Italy’s ideals of
peace, international cooperation, mutual assistance among nations; it
is also a spirit of realistic trust in the soundness of the cause.
This spirit shall never fail; in fact it shall be exerted with
ever-growing vigor in the negotiations which we feel should be resumed
as soon as possible. Similarly, in the framework of the initiatives
that must be undertaken by our Organization in order that its
activities may conform to the developments of modern techniques and to
the great strides of human progress, I cannot fail to mention the need
to reconsider, within the United Nations, the problems relating to the
peaceful uses of outer space. May I be allowed to note that a long
time has elapsed since it was decided [resolution 1472] to establish a
Committee entrusted with the study of the technical and legal aspects
of the question. The Italian Government would be gratified to witness
an early beginning of the Committee’s work.
58. Italy is convinced that the
key to peace lies not only in disarmament, but also in getting the
problem of the under-developed countries started towards a solution,
for that is the threshold which civilization will cross in the next
decades. We hold that the course taken and the means used so far to
this end are neither adequate nor sufficient. Aid to under-developed
countries cannot be conceived as help aimed solely at the development
of production, but also at the development of human relations no
longer founded on a power scale, but rather on a sense of a common
solidarity-and not a merely material one-to prevail within the States
as well as in international life.
59. It is necessary that the
more fortunate peoples should feel the greatness of this task which
presupposes that the differences in political and economic power ought
to be forgotten in order to operate on a plane of human solidarity
among peoples who feel that they are on the same level of dignity.
The means so far employed for this aid have been inadequate; it is
necessary to exert every effort to match them more closely to the dire
needs of reality, not viceversa, after having set up a concrete
programme based on suitable investigations. Therefore, the need is
felt for an organization with the task of studying and carrying out a
programme. However, an organization willing to assist all of the
under-developed countries of the world would run the risk of stopping
short in the face of the gigantic tasks beyond the possibilities of
any such arrangement.
60. It is necessary, on the
contrary, in Italy’s view, to rely as much as possible on regional
organizations. Effective arrangements of this type are already in
existence within the framework of the United Nations. We hold that
all the States willing to co-operate in the implementation of such a
programme, both on the giving and on the receiving ends, will in the
future be able to perform their constructive work through suitable
ties among their regional organizations on a basis of reciprocal trust
and understanding of the means and needs of each one. The
possibilities for concrete action will thus become greater. For the
benefit of the under-developed countries, the United Nations should,
wherever possible, check on the methods and the objectives for the
promotion and implementation of such a programme. This is for the
United Nations a task which alone would justify its existence and
actions.
61. I trust that under the aegis
of the United Nations the ground-work will be laid for the formation
of aggregations of States which can operate jointly in restricted and
well determined areas so that a concrete, planned action may be
carried toward successful completion.
62. As far as the United Nations
action in favour of the under-developed countries is concerned, I am
gratified to announce that the Italian Government, subject to
parliamentary approval, has decide to double Italy’s contribution to
the Special Fund and to the Expanded Programme of Technical
Assistance. Italy’s quota for both agencies will thus be increased to
$2.25 million starting in the next fiscal year. This will be in
proportion to our quota for the ordinary budget of the United
Nations. The Italian Government’s decision is in keeping with the
wishes expressed in several resolutions adopted by the General
assembly, emphasizing time and again the urgent need to make available
at least $100 million yearly to the United Nations, in order that it
may be enabled to expand its technical assistance programmes.
63. In addition to the
consideration of the great problems of world-wide scope which this
high forum has to debate and to which I have already referred, I
cannot refrain from saying a few words on a matter which the Assembly
might have been spared and which Italy is now called upon to discuss,
namely, the Alto Adige question.
64. Italy has nothing to fear
from this discussion, and on its own initiative proposed to Austria
that there be recourse, by mutual consent, to that organ of the United
Nations which is competent in matters pertaining to the implementation
of treaties, namely, the International Court of Justice.
65. Unfortunately, the Austrian
Government chose to dramatize a question that presents itself in
extremely simple and clear terms and decide to put it before the
General Assembly. We did not oppose this, even though we had to ask
for the rectification of the heading of the item which is now included
in the agenda.
66. The Italian Government,
while gratified to be able to point to the steps taken so far to
strengthen the democratic way of life in the territories of the Alto
Adige, wishes to stress its firm commitment to a whole-hearted
implementation of the de Gasperi-Gruber Agreement concluded in Paris
in 1946, which allowed the German-speaking minorities to develop their
economy successfully, to safeguard their institutions and to enrich
their cultural traditions.
67. Only in 1956 Austria
advanced a few complaints of a general character on the implementation
of the de Gasperi-Gruber agreement, and it was Italy which invited
Austria, in July of that same year, to specify its demands.
Negotiations ensued through diplomatic channels as a consequence of
which, in my capacity as Prime Minister, I invited the Chancellor of
the Federal Republic of Austria to negotiations at the highest level,
convinced, as I was, that direct dealings in a spirit of good will
could lead to a solution of the dispute. The same invitation was
extended later by my successor as Prime Minister, who also proposed to
Austria recourse, by mutual consent, to the International Court of
Justice on the matter. The Austrian Government preferred not to
accept the two-fold invitation, and decide to bring the question
before the Assembly.
68. Having said that, however, I
must point out that, as this is only a matter of implementing a freely
stipulated agreement, the Italian Government will have no choice but
to oppose any attempt to drag on to a political ground a question that
the parties, given good will on both sides, would certainly be able to
settle by other means in the very framework of the principles of the
United Nations Charter.
69. It is a characteristic of all free assemblies to gather
diverse and often differing opinions. This must neither discourage
nor hold us back. I believe that the work of the present session,
which is in many respects more important than previous ones, could be
fruitful if everyone were to be pervaded with the spirit of justice
and equanimity which should govern relations among the peoples.
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