50 years of Italy at the United Nations
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Giuseppe Medici, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Statement in 23rd GA session, 1687th plenary meeting
October 9, 1968
Mr. President, I should like, in the first place,
to express my sincere gratification at your election, for you
represent, among other things, a part of the world to which we feel
bound by strong ties of common origin and culture. Allow me, at the
same time, to express our appreciation of the exemplary way in which
you are conducting our deliberations.
It is also my pleasant duty to convey to your
illustrious predecessor, Mr. Corneliu Manescu, the sincere thanks of
the Italian delegation for the wisdom with which he guided the
twenty-second session of the General Assembly.
I extend our welcome and best wishes to Swaziland,
which has recently become a Member of our family.
Lastly, I wish to record the great interest with
which we have listened to the statements of the speakers who have
preceded me on this rostrum. I do so because of their remarkable
contribution to the understanding of the problems before us, as well
as because of the high sense of responsibility with which, at this
grave hour, they have responded to the issues confronting this session
of the General Assembly.
In this forum, where we are pledged to carry out
the principles of the United Nations Charter, our debates will be
successful in promoting the common good only if we are basically
sincere in what we say and at the same time, while being frank and
forthright, we try to avoid bitter polemics. Here we must carry
forward the dialogue begun almost a quarter of a century ago at San
Francisco, a dialogue born from the new conditions imposed on
international politics both by the democratic transformation talking
place in today’s society and by the technological revolution. At the
same time, we must never forget that the creation of the United
Nations was a reaction to the horrors of the Second World War and a
response to the deep yearning for peace among all the peoples of the
world. In this spirit, and with these memories in mind, we must honour
with our deeds the principles of our Charter, which express the most
fundamental needs of present-day international society.
Despite the repeated revival of the traffic myths
of military power, racial superiority and nationalistic pride,
international society realizes the increasing productivity of
multilateral relations. Indeed, the future of the world may depend on
the development of multilateral diplomacy and the strengthening of the
organizations which embody it. That fact must he borne in mind by the
great Powers, because the future of peace and human welfare, which are
inherently inseparable from each other, depend in large measure on
their example.
Unfortunately, Soviet action in Prague may have
turned back the clock of history by twenty years. I say “may have”
because we in Italy cannot resign ourselves to this tragic prospect.
It is to be hoped that the Soviet Union is aware of the serious
consequences that are likely to result from its action in
Czechoslovakia and is also aware of the need to restore international
legality. It is imperative that foreign troops now in Czechoslovak
territory be withdrawn, especially as such a withdrawal would pose no
danger to the Warsaw Pact countries. Only a withdrawal of those troops
could convince the world that respect for the United Nations Charter
is a reality. If, on the other hand, the Soviet Union were to continue
to keep its troops in Czechoslovakia and use them also to exert
pressure in that area, there would be little hope left of restoring in
Europe the conditions of understanding and détente: conditions which
we brought about through so much sacrifice and honesty of purpose and
which would enable us to move forward towards the solution of the most
serious problems still to be settled, including the German problem.
When we speak of détente, we mean n collective
process of clarification in which all countries ought to take part on
an equal footing. We cannot, therefore, share suggestions which would
aim at the dialogue limited to a few great Powers, a formula which
would not allow other countries to make their own contribution.
Here at the United Nations, in this great forum of
peace, we, as Europeans and Italians, feel it our duty to declare our
faith in the victory of the moral force, born of the principles of the
Charter.
The peoples of the world have a profound sense of
this fundamental need for peace and for common economic welfare, won
in peace and freedom. So much harm has been done by the present crises
that we must combine our efforts to prevent any return to the cold
war. The Italian Government believes that this objective can and must
be attained. There still are unquestionable opportunities to restore
confidence and re-establish the bonds which have been so suddenly
broken.
The events of the past decades have clearly shown
that international problems cannot be solved by force alone.
International society today demands not nuclear bombs hut social
reforms. The example set by the communist countries may be tragic
because, instead of devoting their efforts to solving economic and
social problems, they have delayed the evolution of international
society, allocating a large proportion of their wealth to building one
of the most powerful military arsenals ever seen in history.
On the other hand, we cannot help thinking of those
areas in which social injustice is of such a magnitude as to arouse
the indignation of all those who have sincerely abided by the
provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
I must re-emphasize that international society
today demands not weapons but economic and social reforms. Above all,
it needs genuine land reforms capable of giving dignity to the
thousand million poor peasants who could thus work their own lands,
assisted by the powerful help made available to human labour by modern
technology.
The Secretary-General has rightly drawn our
attention to the serious decline of moral standards in international
relations. But we cannot be satisfied by a mare declaration of this
fact and indulge in easy criticism of the partial liability of the
United Nations to solve the international conflicts of today. We must
clearly proclaim that the United Nations must be strengthened, and we
must indicate without delay how this can and must be done.
Words, of course, are not enough, especially when
words serve to feed that demon of the modern world which we call
propaganda. What we must do, before it is too late, is to propose ways
and means to strengthen our world Organization. We must not give up
because of past failures. Our courage today must lie in perseverance.
The United Nations itself possesses the legal, technical and political
capability to meet the challenge of current events and the challenge
of new generations.
I am thinking now of the enormous amount of good
which could he done, for instance, by the whole family of specialized
agencies, such as the Food and Agriculture Organization, the World
Health Organization, the International Development Association and
UNESCO, as well as the United Nations Development Fund and the United
Nations Industrial Development Organization, if our Governments gave
them increasing financial support and greater political and moral
backing.
We cannot, however, judge these agencies solely on
the basis of their productivity expressed in economic terms. The fact
is that they have also other functions, and this is particularly true
of the institutions responsible for giving assistance to the
developing countries. There are, to be sure, technical and managing
shortcomings, and frequently also financial weaknesses. But, instead
of indulging in sterile criticism, let us admit once and for all that,
wherever fault may be found, the fault is ours is well.
How can anyone say that the United Nations is
unable to fulfill its duty if, whenever there is a need to intervene
in order to settle a conflict, the instruments to do so are lacking?
How can we help noticing that the United Nations is sometimes
paralyzed by the failure of Members to provide essential financial
contributions which are often denied on the basis of questionable
legal arguments?
We all, therefore, bear a heavy responsibility for
our continuing failure to find any constructive answers to those
questions. And that is why the ancient but never conquered mythology
of violence and hate is rising again. Our future depends upon the
course of international relations not only in the political but also
in the economic field. In my country, for instance, foreign trade
accounts for approximately one third of the national income. A lasting
solution of the most serious social problems depends essentially on
the rate of economic development. But how can we accelerate this
development if we are compelled to increase our armaments? During the
past twenty years national income has been greatly increased almost
everywhere in the world, for the very reason that these have been
years of peace. IT we succeed in guaranteeing peace, we shall ensure
an increase in commercial activity and also bring about an improvement
in the terms of trade, which is one of the basic purposes of the
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.
The principles of the United Nations presuppose
that nations will live not in a system of economic self-sufficiency,
but in a world of extensive international trade. That is why we have
placed great hopes in the development of trade between East and West
and devoted to it a substantial part of our resources.
I should like to make it clear that when I say that
autarchy can 1ead to conflicts, I am referring not only to what
happened in Europe during the 1S30s, but also to what occurred during
the 1950s. in tile darkest period of the cold war. I am thereby
referring to those nationalistic tendencies which are retarding some
of our collective initiatives in the economic field and frustrating
the liberalizing drive which is essential for the development of the
less-favoured countries.
For those reasons our policy remains firmly
oriented not only towards the widening of the European Economic
Community, but also towards the expansion of its exchanges with all
countries.
The natural trends of history emphasize every day
the interdependence of all peoples. This is a fact which we recognize
in theory but sometimes reject in the reality of our political
actions. This is why further efforts must be made not only to
revitalize our Organization, but also to expand it. Encouraged by the
certainty that our concerns and aspirations are shared by all, I
should like to submit for the Assembly's consideration some remarks
which, I hope may help us overcome the present difficulties.
Our first task must be to strengthen the authority
of the United Nations, making more efficient the constitutional
machinery designed to ensure respect for international law. While
keeping within the present rules and structure of the United Nations,
the Assembly should, in our opinion, see to it that the Charter is
more satisfactorily implemented. To this end, the Assembly should
co-ordinate its efforts in several directions.
First, it should move towards constructive
solutions of a practical nature for the studies now being conducted
with regard to the fundamental principles of the Charter; second, it
should promote a definition of the possible forms of aggression,
paying due attention to the events of the recent past; third, it
should give further impetus to the work of the Special Committee on
Peace-Keeping Operations, which has been able to continue its
activities essential for solving the problems of the United Nations
and of the financing of peace-keeping operations.
The initiatives aimed at providing the United
Nations with appropriate means to discharge its mandate are
expressions of a profound feeling of people today. But if these
initiatives are to meet with a broader response they must be
accompanied by a campaign of orientation and information, especially
younger people. This is the goal pursued by the Italian proposal,
already inscribed in the agenda, to impart to the teaching staff of
schools a knowledge of the United Nations.
The prestige and the authority of our Organization
depend upon its universality. For that reason Italy has emphasized the
necessity that all countries be represented in the United Nations,
provided, of course, that they satisfy the necessary prerequisites and
accept the obligations of the Charter.
There are, however, objective difficulties which
prevent the implementation of the principle of universality. In view
of the fact that not all the States Members of the United Nations
agree in defining the prerequisites for admission, we have proposed in
past years a thorough and realistic inquiry as to the ways and means
to secure the universality of our Organization. This applies most
especially to China. I believe that careful study should be given to
this subject, including consideration at the present session of the
General Assembly.
Our second task must be to devote all our energies
to promoting disarmament, for, in addition to averting the danger of
war, disarmament would make vast resources available for economic and
social progress. Moreover, bearing in mind this correlation between
disarmament and development, the Italian Government has declared
before Parliament its intention to sign the Treaty on the
Non-Pro1iferation of Nuclear Weapons. We regard that Treaty above all
as an instrument not only for limiting the spread of nuclear weapons,
but also for promoting the peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
I can confirm tint our intentions have not changed.
Nevertheless, we have been unable to remain indifferent to the patent
violation of one of the fundamental principles of the preamble to that
Treaty and, at the same time, of the United Nations Charter – a
violation which has taken place even before the Treaty has entered
into force. Faced with such a violation, the Italian Parliament, in
reaffirming its own intentions, has endorsed the decision of the
Government to adhere to the Treaty at a time when it is clear that it
is fulfilling the basic objective of reducing international tension
which inspired it.
We hope that the pause for reflection may soon be
overcome; we shall then be only too happy to respond to the eloquent
appeal which the Swedish Foreign Minister addressed from this rostrum
[1677th meeting] to all Governments.
I have stated that, in our view, the
non-proliferation Treaty must become an effective instrument not only
for the prevention of war, but also for the achievement of peace. As
far as the first aim is concerned, Italy recognizes that an early
implementation of the nuclear disarmament measures contemplated in the
Treaty would constitute the necessary counterbalance of the
obligations which non-nuclear-weapon States assume. It also recognizes
the indispensable condition for the security of all countries, in the
framework of general and complete disarmament under strict
international control. As far as the second aim is concerned, we
believe that the Treaty must guarantee non-nuclear-weapon States free
access to the supply of nuclear fuel and to the acquisition of the
necessary technology and know-how. For us, this is the meaning which
the full and practical application of articles N and V of the Treaty
must involve.
We also consider that the search for appropriate
solutions to the question of nuclear disarmament is one of the most
urgent tasks which the Eighteen-Nation Committee on Disarmament must
face. At the last session of that body the Italian delegation
circulated a list of the measures which appear most urgent and are
ripe for a fruitful discussion. It is to be noted that those measures,
although with a different order of priority, appear among the
proposals submitted by other States, among them the Soviet Union in
its memorandum of 5 July 1968 [A/7134].
Our proposals are not of a theoretical nature and
do not pursue objectives which can be secured only in the distant
future. As in the case of underground nuclear explosions, they take
into account specific needs and present possibilities.
I also wish to recall the proposal put forward
originally by Senator Fanfani: that proposal, within its realistic
limits, would link nuclear disarmament with assistance to the
developing countries by making available a part of the stocks of
fissionable material of the nuclear Powers for use in the peaceful
programmes of non-nuclear-weapon States.
It is also my duty to mention the important
contribution towards the understanding of these problems made by the
Conference of Non-Nuclear-Weapon States, held in Geneva last month. In
order to ensure the continuation of the work undertaken, we would
favour the establishment, already commended at Geneva by many
countries, of an ad hoc committee for the peaceful uses of nuclear
energy. That committee, composed of nuclear-weapon and
non-nuclear-weapon Powers, could create conditions for fruitful
cooperation in the economic field, and encourage and coordinate the
work of all the bodies which will increasingly be culled upon to deal
with these problems. In our view, this would be one of the most useful
ways to ensure the validity and effective operation of the
non-proliferation treaty and to discourage any temptation to resort to
nuclear rearmament.
Among the questions listed in the agenda there are,
besides nuclear energy, those concerning outer space and the sea-bed.
I should merely like to stress that the Treaty on Principles Governing
the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space
[See resolution 2222 (XXI)], opened for. signature on 27 January
196'7, must be fully and coherently applied. It is important to bear
in mind that the Treaty really only lays down the general principles
and therefore requires further elaboration. I sincerely hope that the
report which the Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space will
submit to us in the next few days will indicate the possibilities of
progress in this direction.
The problems raised by the utilization of marine
resources are equally very important. The Italian delegation hopes
that the Committee set up by the Assembly will be able to continue –
on a structural and permanent basis – the work it has begun in order
to avoid the extension of the arms race and to ensure international
co-operation in the use of the reserves contained in the sea-bed.
In the third place, so as to build a peaceful order
on lasting foundations, we must tackle with zeal and imagination the
problems raised by the serious economic and social disparities which
exist. The President of the International Bank for Reconstruction and
Development, Robert McNamara, devoted great attention to these
problems in his recent address to the Board of Governors. His speech
contains a very interesting plan for an expansion of the efforts of
the Bank in the developing countries.
On that subject may I be allowed to recall three
specific Italian proposals:
(a) The Italian Parliament, taking up an appeal by
a million and a half young people, has expressed the hope that the
United Nations will set up a world-wide fund to combat hunger, leprosy
and natural disasters;
(b) The Italian Government, with the aim of
acquainting the developing countries with advanced technology and
modern systems of industrial organization, proposes to participate-by
contributing annually $300,000 to the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization and by offering adequate buildings-in the
creation in Italy, through international financing and in co-operation
with UNIDO and the International Labour Organization, a United Nations
centre for the training of industrial managers;
(c) As a contribution towards the same goals, Italy
is prepared to provide the developing countries with access to the San
Marco space programme. It is also prepared to offer the co-operation
of Italian technicians for the implementation of those countries
national projects or of projects, of common interest.
Finally, the Italian Government wishes to continue
and to enlarge within the framework of the United. Nations its general
action in favour of the developing countries. I am in a position to
state that we are increasing our contribution to the United Nations
Development Programme for 1969 by 20 per cent.
Action taken along the lines I have described
strengthening of the United Nations, disarmament, and development
assistance – cannot alone ensure the peaceful and balanced progress of
international society, unless we tackle the crises which have arisen
in some regions of the world.
We find a confirmation of our anxieties in the
latest developments in the Middle East, which have dangerously
aggravated the difficulties resulting from the conflict of June 1967.
We are convinced that a solution to those difficulties may be found
within the framework of the United Nations. Hence, we shall continue
to give our most sincere support to the mission of Mr. Jarring, whose
high capacities we fully appreciate. We shall persevere in every
possible action which will relax tension and contribute to the success
of the mission.
I should like to recall from this rostrum the idea
put forward by Italy in order to overcome the difficulties connected
with Security Council resolution 242 (1967) of 22 November 1967 so as
to make it possible for the Jarring mission to come to grips with the
substance of the matters involved. Furthermore, as a result of the
conspicuous economic damage caused by the conflict of June 1967,
particularly to the countries of the region concerned, we must
co-operate in rehabilitating the different economies, so as to prevent
irreparable postponements and delays in the development plans which
are so vital for the welfare of the people of the area.
Another serious problem which is of great concern
to us is the conflict in Viet-Nam. Although the United Nations was
unable to take any direct action in this regard, the debates in this
Hall and the pressure of world public opinion undoubtedly contributed
to the start of the Paris negotiations. We have always maintained that
there must be a political and not a military solution to that
conflict. We have associated ourselves with those who consider that
the 1954 Geneva Agreements offer the basis for a negotiated
settlement. Yet we are deeply distressed to note that the negotiations
are proceeding with exasperating slowness. We are particu1arly
concerned to note that, at the military level, the first significant
United States gesture has not been followed by the progressive
reduction in hostilities that we had a right to expect. We feel,
therefore. that the time has come for an urgent appeal to the parties
so that, through reduction in military operations, the way may be
prepared for a solution which would finally ensure a return to peace.
I should like now to deal briefly with the serious
problems which racial hatred is stirring up in the African continent.
Italy, which is firmly opposed to all forms of racial discrimination,
confirms its resolve to carry out the decisions of the Security
Council with regard to Rhodesia and to support every realistic effort
to eradicate, especially from southern Africa, a phenomenon which we
profoundly deplore as it infringes the fundament rights of man.
Finally, I cannot conceal the grave anxiety and
deep concern with which the Italian people view the situation in
Nigeria. As we see that bloody civil war continuing, we must give
increasing support to the relief work conducted by UNICEF and the
International Red Cross, and try to contribute to the re-establishment
of conditions of peace and security for all the people of Nigeria.
The Italian delegation clearly realizes the
internal nature of that conflict, which has been emphasized in the
resolutions adopted at the summit meetings of Heads of State of the
Organization of African Unity. We are fully aware that it is the
primary responsibility of the African countries to work out lasting
solutions to their problems. We expect in this context that the
Federal Government of Nigeria and the African countries themselves
will take all necessary initiatives to bring about a solution of the
crisis.
Keeping in mind the deep anxiety with which this
problem is followed in all countries and particularly in Italy, we
consider that our Organization must throw all its weight behind the
action of the Organization of African Unity for a speedy and peaceful
solution of this conflict, enabling all countries to engage in the
work of reconstruction.
The proposals and the ideas I have put forward seem
to me the best proof that recent events have not shaken the faith of
the Italian Government in our Organization. And to the United Nations
we pledge our firm and undivided co-operation.
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