50 years of Italy at the United Nations
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Attilio Piccioni, Minister of
Foreign Affairs
Statement in 13th GA session, 758th plenary meeting
October 8, 1958 (First election of Italy at the Security Council)
First of all, Mr. President, allow me to express to
you our deeply felt congratulations on your election. The choice of
the Assembly signifies a recognition, with which I associate myself,
of your work during the past years in our Organization as well as a
testimony of our trust in your ability to direct our work.
When, on 21 August 1958, the General Assembly, at
its third emergency special session, unanimously adopted the
resolution submitted the day before by ten Arab States here
represented [resolution 1237 (ES-3)], all of us were inspired by
feelings of faith and hope. However serious the crisis that had
developed in the Near East, however important the interests involved
and the contrasts between the various tendencies, it was quite clear
that a sense of deep responsibility prevailed in each Government, thus
reducing the immediate menace of increasing tension in that region. We
derived hope also from the fact that it was possible to reach an
initial agreement within the framework of the United Nations and on
the basis of the principles of our Charter.
We feel that this agreement was and still is of
remarkable importance. On the one hand, it was inspired by a series of
principles which constitute the. basis of all effective possibilities
for nations to faster and maintain good neighbourly relations. On the
other hand, this agreement contains the fundamental and essential
concept of co-operation among the countries of the Near East which are
legitimately seeking a solution to their problems. In reaching this
agreement, not only did we avoid increasing tension, but we
accomplished something more; we showed a constructive element that
fully justifies the hopeful expectancy that the Arab States, in a
spirit of good will and muta1 understanding, will implement the
resolution unanimously adopted, thus fulfilling, their duty to act the
free masters of their own destiny.
But, over and above this, it is evident that a new
and better understanding has been shown of the need for the normal,
peaceful development of those countries which are still too far from
being able to maintain a sufficiently high level of prosperity.
Equally, we have sensed a liberal and prompt willingness on the part
of those Governments which dispose of more means to make a common
effort, within the peaceful framework of respect for international
law, to help the peoples of the Near East to fulfil their aspirations.
5. Does this mean perhaps that all the most
important problems of the Near East may be considered solved and that
all our anxieties should disappear? Certainly not. However, we have
succeeded in our search for a sound approach, and the next step is to
proceed on the right road.
In this slow and arduous task we know that we can
rely on the sound and tireless action of the Secretary-General. We are
awaiting the report which he is to submit in fulfillment of the
mandate conferred upon him by the General Assembly. His absolute
dedication to the cause of peace and his well-known qualities afford
us the utmost hope and constitute a guarantee in this respect.
Considering the situation from a several point of
view, I should like to express here my firm conviction that if we are
able to analyze and evaluate adequately the causes and the spirit
which resulted in the recent positive experience of our common work,
we shall find therein guidance to lead us towards desirable and
constructive solutions, responding not only to the interest of the
people in that particular area of the world, but also to the
expectations of mankind, anxious to safeguard peace with justice and
freedom.
How could it be denied that we are all aware of the
imperative commandment to spare our peoples the danger of a conflict
which would totally destroy the existence of everyone and from which
no victor, but only losers, would emerge?
Fortunately, a widespread reluctance openly and
formally to violate the principles of the Charter is becoming more and
more evident.
The ghost of an all-out conflict is not in itself
sufficient to assure to all an enduring peace,, and, on the other
hand, it could be exploited by unscrupulous adventurers to the
detriment of those who are anxious for the survival of our
civilization. The principles of independence, non-interference in
internal affairs and territorial integrity, sanctioned by our Charter,
could be defied; indeed, in the past we have witnessed a serious
'crisis caused by aggression in the Far East, and today we see there a
defiance of these supreme
obligations.
On the other hand, understanding of certain natural
needs of peaceful development in those countries which are still far
from having achieved an adequate standard of living, as well as
readiness to make a common effort to solve their technical and
economic problems, require concrete action which will take time,
patience, vast means, a great spirit of generosity and an atmosphere
of mutual trust that cannot be brought about all of a sudden. A
harmonious and constructive effort on behalf of all the States
directly interested could also be jeopardized by outbreaks of violence
and self-interest.
There are valid reasons why we should more and more
engage our sense of responsibility and our capabilities of
appreciating the real terms of such a situation in a determination
adequately to develop the United Nations. We should provide the means
of controlling the implementation of obligations solemnly entered into
and we should also provide appropriate instruments to cope with
certain immediate economic and technical assistance requirements. Only
in this way shall we be able further to consolidate those factors
which have given rise to our recent political experience to a point
where they will acquire a truly effective and lasting aspect. These
are the aims of the Italian Government and my delegation will seek
their attainment during the course of this session of the General
Assembly.
I have stated this with the intention of clarifying
and strengthening certain general principles. However, I now wish to
identify those fields in which we may more usefully concentrate our
immediate efforts. In this connexion, I do not hesitate to state that
the Italian Government maintains that in striving gradually to
overcome the most urgent political problems, it is also necessary to
strengthen and develop the activity of the United Nations not only in
the political field but also in the economic and social fields. It
does not appear possible to separate the solution of economic problems
from the solution of political problems. Whoever might indulge in such
an attempt would undoubtedly become engaged in a fruitless effort, for
these two aspects are inseparable; they are facets which complement
and support each other. An error of this type should be avoided.
We should also take into account what happens
within our own countries. It is in fact a feature of the policy of
modern States to engage in efforts aimed at creating ties of
solidarity within their territory. The principle of social welfare has
been taken almost everywhere as the basis for intervention on the part
of a government to a point where the entire economy is no longer
conceived as a simple means of enrichment but as a means of
strengthening, increasing and distributing wealth. It is in this sense
that modern States conceive of freedom, which is not only political
freedom but also freedom from material needs within the framework of
the economic structure of the country. We have thus passed through
various stages of history which have taken us from simple political
freedom to the co-operation of the entire population. A similar
situation and similar needs exist on an international level.
In the same way as we now care for poverty and
unemployment on the domestic level, we cannot remain indifferent to
certain elementary needs on the international level. There are too
many people in the world who are in a state of general poverty, which
is inconsistent with the progress of modern technology. The concept of
political independence must be made complete by the adequate
development of the economic life of our countries if we really wish to
be members of one large family.
All this is quite clear to Italian statesmen.
Italy, which in the past offered its memorable contribution to the
enunciation and implementation of the principle of nationality; Italy,
which acquired independence by a difficult struggle and which is now
engaged in a strenuous effort to ensure an equitable distribution of
wealth among its citizens – Italy, of course, understands these
aspirations for political independence which are expressed with
peaceful intentions in the desire to abide by international law,
especially today when the community of nations is organized within the
framework of the United Nations. Italy especially understands full
well certain legitimate yearnings to combat the unhappy heritage of
collective poverty, yearnings which appear more actively in
underdeveloped areas.
Only a few days ago, in a joint statement in Sao
Paulo, the President of the Republic of Italy and the President of
Brazil reaffirmed
"... the right of all peoples to their independence
and to mutual respect for their legitimate aspirations; the right to
enjoy civil liberties which are at once the condition and the
expression of the dignity of man; the demands of justice requiring a
more equitable distribution of wealth and a higher and more adequate
standard of living for the masses."
They stressed that
"... these principles are the basic premises of an
effective democracy and of peaceful international relations, since
they impose an integrated policy of social progress upon every nation
in its internal affairs, and a policy of co-operation and solidarity
of the wealthier and stronger nations towards those nations which have
not yet achieved a level of development in accordance with the basic
needs of the populations."
I wish today in this Assembly to renew this solemn
appeal in the name of my Government, in view of the development of the
activity of the United Nations in the economic and social sphere and
in the field of technical assistance. We must make the utmost effort
in order that our Organization may become more and more an effective
instrument at the disposal of all men of good will serving to
safeguard the present generations and to prepare a brighter future for
the coming ones.
We must look with faith to the future because the
evolution we hope for is fully in keeping with the evolution of modern
techniques. The progress of science is discovering new means
heretofore unthinkable, means which will enable us to solve all
problems of a material character. International conflicts, just as the
problems of poverty, disease, and all the plagues through which
mankind has struggled for thousands of years, can be overcome by means
of technical progress that affords to all peoples the hope of a
brighter future to come. But we must want this with determination
because technical and scientific progress by itself, if not utilized
in the right direction, may Very well lead to the most abominable of
catastrophes and to the most horrendous of failures.
On the other hand, peace is not and cannot be a
negative concept; in other words, it cannot be conceived only as the
absence of conflict. Peace must be envisaged as a positive action, and
this is precisely the reason which Prompts me to insist that the
United Nations should create instruments of international co-operation
in all fields and that the United Nations should look far ahead to the
new world that is in the making, to the new roads that are opening up
before us, to new forms of co-operation to which I intend to refer
later on in my statement.
As far as my
country is concerned, I am glad to inform the Assembly that at the
proper time the.Italian delegation will announce the decision of the
Italian Government to increase considerably its contribution to the
yearly programme of technical assistance and to contribute to the
Special Fund for underdeveloped countries. While this decision is only
a few days old, my Government's decision to continue its assistance to
Somaliland after the end of the Italian administration – an
administration which to this date has already brought considerable
progress to that territory-shows that we are resolved to prepare the
Territory for full independence. On the other hand, as is well known,
the Italian Government has already favourably considered the
possibility of participating fully in the international economic
assistance to be extended through the planned economic organization
for the Near East. We will be happy to do so, especially because that
organization will be based on the free co-operation of the countries
of that area. Italy is certainly not a rich country and therefore,
owing to the magnitude of similar problems with which we are coping in
our own territory, our contribution will not reach exceptionally large
figures. However, I can assure you that we shall accomplish a
considerable effort and that our contribution to this cause, which we
.so fully understand, will not be a purely symbolic one.
From several sides, proposals have been advanced
about the possibility of utilizing for economic assistance a share of
the savings to be realized eventually through disarmament. This is
certainly an interesting idea. However, under the present
circumstances, I feel that it might be more realistic to start the
development of the economic and social activities already existing or
under study, without awaiting a preliminary solution of the problem of
.disarmament.
On the other hand, in the light of what I have said
so far, and also considering the positive result of our recent
experiences, as I already mentioned in my speech at the third
emergency special session [739th meeting], we feel that the
idea of creating a permanent United Nations force for possible
emergency cases should be seriously considered. This idea seems to
have caused some alarm in certain delegations. I must :confess that I
do not see the reason for such alarm. In fact, it is not a question of
creating an actual army but rather of profiting by past experience and
avoiding hasty decisions. Clearly, the use of this force, of which we
would merely draft the blueprints and the composition, would have to
be planned in advance, taking into account the respect of the
sovereign rights of the individual Member States. In other words, we
envisage the creation not of a combat force but of an instrument of
observation and control at the disposal of the United Nations.
Similarly, the Italian delegation is prepared to support all the other
initiatives which the Secretary-General, in fulfilling his mandate,
may deem it necessary to suggest with a view to the effective
strengthening of the United Nations Observation Group in Lebanon and
in order closely to follow the implementation of the principles of the
Charter in the most seriously threatened areas.
Considering now certain main aspects of the
question of disarmament, while I reserve the privilege to present the
views of my Government on the specific points on the appropriate
occasion, I should like to dwell at this time on some general
considerations which will guide the action of the Italian delegation.
Firstly, we intend to take a clear stand in favour
of every initiative directed towards the utmost exploitation for
peaceful purposes of recent discoveries in the nuclear field. We take
this stand not only in the awareness of the great benefits that can
accrue to humanity from technical progress, hut realistically because
it also takes into account the fact that every development in the
peaceful use of nuclear energy will automatically divert from military
uses a substantial proportion of the limited means which are available
to individual Governments for this purpose. In the same way, we intend
to offer our willing contribution towards the earliest possible
utilization for peaceful purposes of outer space. The idea of creating
a special institution for legal and scientific research in this field
appears to us of the utmost urgency, and this Assembly should not
conclude its work before adopting a positive resolution in this
respect.
The method of separating the technical and
scientific aspects from t h e political facets of nuclear disarmament
has already yielded its first positive results in the control of
nuclear tests. We cannot but hail these results and hope that the
forthcoming conference on surprise attacks will also reach a positive
agreement. Decisive steps should be taken in this direction. And the
Italian Government is not only in favour of such initiatives, but is
also prepared to offer its support and collaboration to this end.
Atomic disarmament, if completed with legitimate safeguards in matters
of control and with similar provisions in other fields of armaments,
meets with our full approval. On the other hand, the Italian
Government wishes to affirm its willingness in principle to permit the
establishment of more effective controls on its own territory to the
extent that the principle of reciprocity is adopted in this respect.
However, my delegation is of the opinion that the General Assembly of
the United Nations should affirm the principle that it is fully aware
of the crucial importance to mankind of the study of, and of further
decisions on, the question of atomic radiation. The responsibility of
facing these problems lies on all the States Members of the United
Nations, and not merely on a restricted club.
If it is recognized that the question of nuclear
disarmament deserves special attention, the Italian delegation
nevertheless maintains that the importance of the question of
disarmament in the- field of conventional weapons should not be
underestimated, if for no other reason than that conventional weapons
are the only type available to the great majority of the countries
represented in this Assembly. We believe the present juncture affords
a unique historical occasion in this respect due to the decreasing
importance of conventional armaments for the major military powers. We
should not forego this unique opportunity. Considering the possibility
of reaching agreement on separating the technical and scientific
aspects of the problem from the political ones, I wonder whether it
would not prove useful to apply the same method to disarmament in the
field of conventional weapons, clearing the ground of the technical
problems relating to controls through a special conference of experts.
The problem of disarmament, being one to which
public opinion is highly sensitive, constitutes one of the main themes
of propaganda from the communist camp. In concluding my general
remarks on this question, I cannot but recall the attitude of
obstruction held by the Soviet Union towards the United Nations
Disarmament Commission during 1958. This is a case of open challenge
to the decisions of the General Assembly and it seems peculiar that it
should come precisely from the Government which ceaselessly declares
its intention to disarm. The United Nations is competent for the
solution of this problem and i t i s scarcely through a boycott of its
lawful bodies and of their activity that progress can be achieved
towards reaching an agreement which is the aspiration of us all.
But there is more to it. Whereas the democratic and
parliamentary systems prevailing in the majority of Member States make
it possible to follow in full view all measures, both military and
financial, that are taken by each Government with the prior approval
of the respective Parliaments, a thick veil of mystery clouds all that
is happening in this field in the communist world. We might wonder
whether it is really possible to deal effectively through uniform
measures with this complicated and delicate matter, bearing on the
very problem of national security and survival, as long as such a
disparity of situations continues to exist.
Although I have tried so far to emphasize those
aspects of our activities which offer a positive picture of our
efforts – one which it is our responsibility to develop and to
strengthen even further – I must recall other, negative, circumstances
which cloud today's political horizon.
The problem of German reunification, which is so
vital for a lasting order in Europe, remains unsolved, although all
evidence points to the fact that its solution would indeed facilitate
that of other serious questions such as security and disarmament.
I cannot refrain from pointing out that no positive
course has followed the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in
1956 and 1957 with respect to Hungary. While I reserve my right to
return to this point at the appropriate time, I should like to stress
now that the Charter of the United Nations would have no more meaning
if we passively accepted such flagrant violations. This challenge to
our Organization must cease and must be eliminated once and for all.
What is happening in the Far East at this time is
no less a cause of worry to us. We reserve our right to intervene in
the debate if and when this question should be discussed during this
session of the Assembly. However, something should be said now
concerning the serious danger arising from the use of force. In this
respect it is perfectly useless to appeal to rights and to invoke
pretexts; whatever .their foundation, the use of force is in no case
admissible. The confusion between rights-or presumed rights-and their
exercise has been long since overcome within every State, and to go
back to such positions would plunge us all into a state of complete
anarchy. Similarly, the recourse lo the principle of self-protection
would present a serious set-back in international relations.
The United Nations was created precisely for the
purpose of ensuring to the international community a legal order
aiming at banning the use of force as a means of national policy. Any
effort, however strong, towards an equitable solution of economic and
social problems would be absolutely useless if the United Nations did
not assure peace to mankind. And peace will not be assured as long as
the use of force by individual States is permitted and as long as the
decisions of the General Assembly are openly flouted.
We are firmly resolved to work together to assure
to all peoples the satisfaction of their most urgent needs and to free
them from the scourge of hunger and poverty. Our determination to
defend the paramount gift of peace in freedom and legality is stronger
than ever. We have entrusted this important task to the United
Nations. The United Nations must discourage the enemies of peace once
and for all. The place of Italy is amongst those who fight for the
implementation of the provisions and the principles of the Charter.
And we do not consider these principles as mere words to which lip
service should be given from time to time, but rather as an imperative
rule of behaviour by which to abide in the peaceful development of
relations between the peoples of the world.
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